The People Are the Government

(Reflections on a Dialogue with the Rotarians, Pune — On “Citizen Participation in Governance” on 7th October 2025)

Good evening to all of you — the President, the Secretary, all Rotarians, and especially Nitinji. I am truly overwhelmed to stand before such a gathering — a congregation not merely of achievers, but of those who translate their achievements into silent social service. You do not serve merely Pune; you serve humanity, across borders and continents.

I will not recite what your organisation stands for — you know that far better than I. I stand here as an outsider, but an admirer nonetheless. I have seen how Rotarians quietly accomplish what vast bureaucracies often fail to deliver. Having long worked in the health sector, I have observed with respect the magnitude and sincerity of your efforts worldwide.

Now, my friend who introduced me was rather generous. He read a long list of my official designations. Please, ignore that. IAS officers are known to wear many hats, though perhaps not masters of any! We perform because the State requires us to perform, and yes, we are compensated for it — with handsome salaries ..So, there is no charity like you all.

You Are the Government

The subject given to me today is “How Rotarians Can Participate in Governance.” A noble topic — but I must confess, I have a quarrel with the title itself.

You cannot participate in governance, dear Rotarians, because you are the Government who govern!…..Yes, let me repeat, you are the government. The moment you say you wish to “participate,” you unknowingly detach yourself from the very institution that exists because of you.

It is your sweat and toil that sustain this elaborate machine called the State. The political representatives and the bureaucracy — they are your employees, appointed and maintained by your will and your taxes. Over the last two-and-a-half millennia, however, democracy has been quietly metamorphosed into monarchy by another name. We have allowed rulers to re-emerge in democratic robes — emperors with electoral legitimacy — while the people, the true sovereigns, have been reduced to mere recipients.

This is not democracy. The essence of democracy lies in the collective will delegating authority — not surrendering it. Because every citizen cannot sit in the Secretariat or implement every policy, we delegate. But delegation is not abdication. The question, therefore, is not “How can you participate in governance?” The question is “How can you make them govern the way they are meant to?”

The Forgotten Sovereigns

Whenever I address students — whether of a humble village school or an elite college — I remind them: you are the king.In democracy, there is no “them” and “us.” There is only we. Yet, our civic consciousness has been buried beneath a thick crust of submission. We have internalised the idea that those in office are the authority and we are the subjects.

This evening, let us attempt to unearth that buried truth. You must spread this awareness: democracy is not about pleading for participation; it is about asserting ownership. The government’s participation must be sought in your vision of society — not the other way around.

We complain about bad roads, poor economy, failing policies, and unemployment — but who elected the very people responsible for these conditions? We did. So the failure is not theirs alone; it is ours too.

When we hire a domestic help, we think a hundred times — will he arrive on time, perform sincerely, keep confidences? Yet, when we hire our government, we scarcely ask what kind of people we are employing.

The Decline of Democracy

You, as Rotarians, are enlightened citizens, and therefore your responsibility is heavier. Post–World War II, there was an optimistic belief that democracy would one day envelop the entire planet. Today, the story is grimly reversed. Each year, democracy’s index slides lower. Reports by the Economist Intelligence Unit — and others — reveal the same pattern: the power of the people is shrinking, while the power of the few is swelling.

We are now in an age where, to borrow from the Nobel laureate and economist, Joseph Stiglitz, democracy has become government of the one percent, by the one percent, and for the one percent. Only about 6.8 percent of the world’s population now lives under what can still be called a true democracy.

So when I speak to you — who have the means, intellect, and networks to influence society — I urge you to look beyond the comfort of your cottages. Because while you are repainting and polishing them, the forest around you is on fire. And if the forest burns, no cottage shall survive.

Beyond Charity: Towards Change

You have already achieved what many governments could not. The global eradication of polio bears your imprint. But it is time to move from curing to preventing, from repairing to reforming.

Why not attempt the eradication of corruption?
Why not the eradication of opacity in governance?

Why not demand that the government perform the very tasks for which it exists, instead of you substituting for it with noble charity? Yes, repair a school’s toilets if you must — but also question why, after seventy-five years of freedom, a school still needs charity to build one.

The Rot of Bureaucracy

Half the nation’s budgetary expenditure goes into the salaries of bureaucracy — the so-called “public servants.” Yet, many of them have turned into non-performing liabilities, not assets. I can say this after thirty-four years within that system.

In 1992, the Earth Summit at Rio de Janeiro formally recognised that governance must rest on four pillars: international agencies, national governments, sub-national governments, and non-governmental organisations as watchdogs. NGOs were not meant to merely patch potholes or distribute benches. Their true role was to monitor — to ensure that governments and international bodies performed ethically and effectively.

You must not merely push the vehicle of governance with muscle power; you must steer it. You must keep your hands on the wheel, ensuring the driver does not doze off or deliberately take a wrong turn.

The Accountability Vacuum

Let me speak of something closer home. Maharashtra carries a debt of nine lakh crores rupees. Ask: where has that money gone? Why, despite such borrowing, are unemployment, poor roads, and water scarcity still rampant?

Take Pune as an example. In 1987, a 34-kilometre high-capacity mass transit route(HCMTR) was planned. Thirty-seven years later, not a single brick has been laid. The same fate befell the outer ring road project. No citizen, no NGO, no organisation has persistently questioned the authorities — not the Commissioner, not the Mayor, not the Guardian Minister.

The ability to question — that is what democracy demands. Not petitions for permission, but questions for accountability.

I once thought of creating a Shadow Bureaucracy for Maharashtra — a parallel civil structure to mirror the official one, solely to monitor and report: a Shadow Chief Secretary, Shadow Divisional Commissioner, Shadow Tahsildar, and so on — all to remind society what each official is supposed to do and what they actually do not.

The Law Exists, the Spirit Sleeps

Under the law, every urban area must have Area Sabhas — citizens’ assemblies covering the population of one or two polling booths — to identify and address local problems. The law was enacted in 2011. Fourteen years have passed, and these assemblies remain dormant. The machinery of participation has been built — but never switched on.

During my tenure as Municipal Commissioner, I initiated them informally. Corporators resisted, for it diminished their intermediary power between citizens and administration. Yet, I persisted. Governance must belong directly to the governed.

The Constitution’s 74th Amendment of 1993 gave municipal corporations the duty to prepare Economic Development Plans and Social Justice Plans. From 1993 to 2025, not one such plan has been properly prepared. The law mandates that each year, a municipal commissioner must publish an administrative report and statement of accounts. How many of you have ever seen one?

A Call to the Enlightened

You are the torchbearers. Keep doing your humanitarian work — but let your work not be limited to compassion; let it extend to correction. Demand performance. Demand transparency.

Remember always: you are the masters; they are your servants. The democratic spirit will survive only when this equation is restored in public consciousness.

Perhaps you expected a different kind of speech this evening. But if it has disturbed you, even a little — then perhaps that disturbance is the beginning of awakening.

Thank you all….

=Mahesh Zagade

श्रद्धेच्या जंजाळात अडकलेली शुद्ध हवा : कबुतरांना खाद्य घालण्याच्या हट्टामागील अंधश्रद्धा

कुठल्याही समाजाच्या अधोगतीचा एक निश्चित टप्पा असतो — जिथे श्रद्धा आणि शहाणपण यांच्यातली सीमारेषा कायमची पुसून जाते. आणि ती रेषा आपल्या शहरांच्या फूटपाथांवर, खिडक्यांच्या सिल्ल्यांवर आणि घरांच्या गॅलऱ्यांमध्ये — कबुतरांच्या विष्ठेच्या थरांमध्ये अडकलेलीदिसते.

हो, कबुतरं — ही तथाकथित “पवित्र” जीवं. पवित्रतेच्या पंखावर विराजमान झालेले रोगांचे वाहक. काहीजण त्यांना दैवी समजतात, काही धार्मिकतेचे प्रतीक. पण आजच्या काळात ती झाली आहेत शहरांच्या श्वासमुक्तीवर बसलेली जीवघेणी सावली.

कोर्टांनी कबुतरांना खाद्य घालण्यावर बंदी घातली आहे, डॉक्टरांनी इशारे दिले आहेत, आणि आरोग्य तज्ज्ञांनी स्पष्ट सांगितले आहे की यामुळे फुफ्फुसांचे आजार, एलर्जी, श्वसनदोष आणि अनेक बुरशीजन्य रोग वाढत आहेत. पण या सर्व ज्ञानावर पंखात घेत — काही स्वयंघोषित धर्मरक्षक अजूनही बिनधास्त गहू, बाजरी, तांदूळ रस्त्यावर उधळत फिरतात.

त्यांच्यासाठी ही फक्त श्रद्धा नाही, ही एक हट्टाने फुलवलेली अंधश्रद्धा आहे, जी आता सामाजिक हानीचे रूप घेत आहे.

सामाजिक अधिकार की सामाजिक आतंक?

श्रद्धा वैयक्तिक आहे. पण जिथे तुमची श्रद्धा इतरांच्या आरोग्याचा घात करत असेल, तिथे ती श्रद्धा नसून स्वार्थी हट्ट ठरतो. आज घरोघरी श्वसनाच्या तक्रारी, सततची खोकली, डोळ्यांची खाज, आणि अ‍ॅलर्जीक अ‍ॅस्थमा वाढत आहे, त्यामागे या कबुतरांच्या विष्ठेचे सूक्ष्म कण आहेत — जे हवेत मिसळून शरीरात शिरतात आणि आजारांचा कहर घडवतात.

कबुतरं रोज एक-दोन नव्हे तर शेकडो वेळा विष्ठा करतात. ती विष्ठा इमारतींचे प्लास्टर कुरतडते, पाईपलाइन堵 करते, बाल्कनी अडवते, आणि एकंदरीत नागरिक जीवनाचा श्वास रोखून टाकते.

आणि या सर्व संकटांवर उपाय करायला गेले की, काही तथाकथित धर्मप्रेमी, धर्माची ढाल पुढे करत ओरडतात — “आमचा श्रद्धेचा अधिकार आहे!”

हो का? मग इतरांचा श्वास घेण्याचा अधिकार कुठे गेला?

‘कबुतरखान्यांचा’ कलंक

शहरांतील तथाकथित ‘कबुतरखान्यां’ मध्ये रोज हजारो कबुतरं अन्नासाठी गोळा होतात. तेथील दृश्य म्हणजे पुण्याच्या नावावर उभारलेली जैविक महामारी. पिंजऱ्यात घातलेल्या रोगांपेक्षा या उघड्या कबुतरखान्यांतून फैलावणारे आजार जास्त धोकादायक.

सगळ्यात हास्यास्पद म्हणजे — जे लोक ही कबुतरं खाद्य घालतात, तेच त्यांना स्पर्शही करत नाहीत. घराच्या गॅलऱ्यांत जाळ्या लावतात, स्पाईक्स लावतात, पण सकाळी तांदूळ टाकतात. ही कुठली श्रद्धा? ही तर संवेदनशून्य दांभिकता आहे.

आरोग्य, विज्ञान आणि न्यायालये – या तिघांनाही झिडकारणे

जेव्हा न्यायालये निर्णय देतात, डॉक्टर सल्ला देतात, महापालिका सूचना करते — तेव्हा ही मंडळी त्या सगळ्यांना “धर्मद्रोही” ठरवतात. कारण त्यांना त्यांची श्रद्धा विज्ञान, कायदा आणि आरोग्याच्या हितापेक्षा जास्त श्रेष्ठ वाटते.

हे श्रद्धा आहे की हट्ट? भक्ती आहे की बिनडोकपणा?

कोणत्याही धार्मिक ग्रंथात “कबुतरांना विष्ठा करु दे, आणि आजूबाजूचे श्वास घेऊ शकत नसले तरी चालेल”, असे कुठेही लिहिलेले नाही.

‘पवित्रता’ की ‘पॉईझनिंग’?

कोणी पक्ष्यांना खाऊ घालणं चुकीचं नाही — पण जिथे ते सार्वजनिक आरोग्यावर घात करत असेल, तिथे ते अपराध आहे.
कोणालाही अन्नदान करायचं असल्यास शहराबाहेर, नियोजित पक्षी-आहार केंद्रांमध्ये, योग्य पद्धतीने करा.
पण घरांच्या खिडक्यांवर, रहिवासी संकुलांच्या कंपाऊंडमध्ये, किंवा रुग्णालयांच्या बाहेर कबुतरांवर अन्नवर्षाव करणं म्हणजे जनतेच्या आरोग्यावर थुंकणं होय.

शेवटी…

श्रध्देचा उपयोग माणूस उन्नत करण्यासाठी व्हायला हवा — त्याच्या श्वासावर गुदमरवण्यासाठी नव्हे.

कबुतरांना खाद्य घालण्याचा हट्ट हा श्रद्धेचा नाही, समाजघातक अंधश्रद्धेचा मुद्दा आहे. तो थांबला पाहिजे. अन्यथा आपल्या शहरांचे भविष्य मंदिरासारखे पवित्र नव्हे, तर कबरस्तानासारखे निःशब्द असेल.

चला, पंख झाडूया — पण या अंधश्रद्धेचे, नाहीतर उद्याची हवा उरलेली नसेलच.

-महेश झगडे

The Droppings of Devotion: When Superstition Smothers Sanity

There comes a time in every society’s slow descent into mediocrity when a line must be drawn—not in sand, but in pigeon droppings. It is here, in the dense, choked arteries of our great urban jungles—Mumbai, Delhi, Pune—that the line between faith and folly is smeared into a foul, feathered mess. And nothing embodies this grotesque fusion more pungently than the devout insistence of a few self-anointed saviours of culture to feed pigeons, come plague or pneumonia, come reason or ruling.

Yes, the sacred pigeons. The airborne carriers of piety and pathogens. The fluttering vahanas of virtue and viral load.

They descend in flocks, summoned by handfuls of wheat and misguided compassion, to alight upon every parapet and power line, every balcony and cornice—leaving behind not divine blessings, but acidic excreta potent enough to etch their theology into the very stone of civilization. And still, their feeders—those urban priests of pigeonhood—demand that their right to pour grain upon filth be protected, even as courts of law, public health departments, and lungs of asthma-stricken children cry out in protest.

Superstition: The New Public Policy

Let us be clear: the matter has transcended religion. This is no longer about reverence; it is about recalcitrance. A perverse determination to uphold ritual even when it stinks of decay—literally and figuratively. The High Courts have ruled. Medical science has spoken. Municipalities have scraped, swept, and sprayed. But none of these interventions can outflap the wings of blind belief when it is cloaked in the garb of tradition.

These pigeon feeders, emboldened by centuries of unquestioned ritual, now assert their constitutional right to infect the atmosphere with Histoplasmosis, Psittacosis, and Cryptococcal meningitis—as if the Constitution ever promised the freedom to corrode balconies and bronchi alike. Their offerings, they claim, are acts of charity. Yet in the name of this charity, they convert housing societies into guano graveyards and hospital wards into temples of the breathless.

Balconies of the Damned

One need only gaze upwards in any old quarter of a city to witness the architecture of this lunacy. What were once stately facades now bear the calcified wrath of decades of pigeon dung. The white crusts of sanctimonious indifference cling to ledges, drip from air-conditioners, and fill the corners where once children leaned out to watch the monsoon.

And inside, behind mesh screens and windows sealed tighter than secrets, families suffocate in a haze of fungal spores. The immunocompromised, the elderly, the very children the feeders claim to love—they all breathe in the slow curse of the devout.

Is this charity? Is this dharma? Or is this simply domestic terrorism dressed as devotion?

Of Faith and Faeces

The tragedy is not that people believe pigeons to be auspicious. Superstitions, after all, are as old as humanity. The tragedy is that these beliefs now demand immunity from law, from reason, and from consequences.

When a court rules against pigeon feeding in residential zones, it is not attacking faith. It is defending lungs, defending walls, defending what little sanity remains in a city at the edge of asphyxiation. But those drunk on ritual scoff at the evidence. “Let the birds be fed,” they chant, as if their piety were a pesticide. As if centuries of myth outweigh milligrams of mycotoxins.

And so, armed with a brass pot and half a kilo of bajra, they march towards residential rooftops with all the zeal of medieval flagellants—flagging not their own backs, but the future of their neighbours.

The Cult of the Kabutarkhana

Nowhere is this pathology more pronounced than in the city’s infamous Kabutarkhanas—those self-declared temples of defecation. These are not sanctuaries; they are centres of contagious compassion, where a spoonful of grain buys a pound of pestilence.

Here, amid cooing and coughing, the faithful gather to feed what they will not touch, to glorify what they dare not clean. And woe betide the civic officer who tries to interfere! For he shall be branded anti-tradition, anti-people, even anti-Hindu, by those who cannot distinguish spirituality from spore count.

The Price of Passive Governance

Refusing to regulate pigeon feeding, the State itself becomes an accomplice in this aviary apocalypse. Its silence fertilizes the very superstition it should uproot. It tolerates a culture that measures faith by grain count and holiness by how many pigeons defecate on your rooftop before noon.

A Prayer for Rationality

Let it be known: compassion is not the same as contamination. Feeding birds is not a crime—but doing so at the cost of human health, infrastructure, and sanity certainly is.

Let those who insist on feeding pigeons do so in regulated, open, non-residential spaces. Let municipal bodies establish designated bird feeding zones, supervised and cleaned. Let faith be reclaimed from filth, and charity decoupled from contamination.

And let us, as a society, learn at last to distinguish between worship and waste, between devotion and disease, between ritual and ruin.

A city is not a coop, and its citizens are not sacrificial offerings at the altar of obstinacy. The right to believe cannot be the right to blind others, and the right to feed cannot be the right to foul the very air we share.

To persist in pigeon feeding, in defiance of law and logic, is not religious—it is reckless. It is not sacred—it is selfish. And if this plague of piety is not checked, the cities of tomorrow will be not temples, but tombs—choked with feathers, fables, and the silence of those too breathless to object.

Let us not allow superstition to fly so freely that it snuffs out the very breath of civilization.

-Mahesh Zagade

कोलाहलाचा बोजा: भारताच्या प्राथमिक शिक्षणातील त्रिभाषा सूत्राचा पुनर्विचार

“प्रत्येकमूलजगाचानवाआरंभकरते — आपणकायशिकवतोयाचेस्मरणठेवण्यासाठीनव्हे, तर ‘जगआहेतरीका?’ हेविचारण्यासाठी.”

शब्दांचा भरकटलेला संग्राम

भारतातील भाषिक कोलाहलात अनेकदा नुसत्या गोंगाटालाच भाषिक सूक्ष्मतेचा फसवा मुखवटा चढतो. शाळांमधील भाषा धोरणावरून सध्या सुरू असलेली सार्वजनिक चर्चा — जी बहुतांशी मराठी विरुद्ध हिंदी असा बनाव करते — ही एक दिशाभूल करणारी द्वंद्वात्मकता ठरते. हा वाद जणू झाडांच्या पानांवर चर्चा करताना जंगलच विसरून जाण्यासारखा आहे. येथे मूळ प्रश्न एका भाषेच्या विरुद्ध दुसरीची मांडणी नसून, सहा वर्षांच्या अल्लड, कोवळ्या, अद्याप ‘अस्तित्वाच्या वर्णमाले’चा परिचय होत असलेल्या बालमनावर थोपविल्या जाणाऱ्या तीन स्वतंत्र भाषांचा शैक्षणिक विवेक, किंवा त्याचा अभाव, हाच खरा प्रश्न आहे.

राष्ट्रीय शैक्षणिक धोरण २०२० (NEP 2020) हे व्यापक दृष्टीकोनातून स्तुत्य असले, तरी या अत्यंत मूलगामी बाबतीत ते जरा अपुरे पडते. तीन भाषा शिकवण्याच्या धोरणामुळे राष्ट्रीय एकात्मतेस व भाषिक प्रतिनिधित्वास प्राधान्य दिले जाते — परंतु बालकांच्या मेंदूच्या आरोग्यावर त्याचा विपरित परिणाम होतो. ‘विविधतेतील एकता’ हे जसे उदात्त तत्त्व आहे, तसेच ‘विकसनशील समतोलाचा बळी’ हे एक धोकादायक समीकरण ठरते. अर्थात पहिल्याच वर्गापासून तीन भाषा शिकण्याची वैधानिक तरतूद या धोरणातसुद्धा नाही कारण हे धोरण आहे, कायदा नव्हे!

२. बालपणाची नाजूक माती: विज्ञान काय सांगते?

या धोरणाचा परिणाम समजून घेण्यासाठी आधुनिक मेंदूविज्ञान व मानसशास्त्र काय सांगतात, हे समजून घ्यावे लागते.

हरवर्ड विद्यापीठातील ‘Center on the Developing Child’ नुसार, जीवनाच्या पहिल्या काही वर्षांत मुलांच्या मेंदूत दर सेकंदाला १० लाखाहून अधिक नवे न्यूरल कनेक्शन तयार होतात. हे वर्ष — जन्मापासून सुमारे आठव्या वर्षापर्यंत — वैज्ञानिक दृष्ट्या ‘संवेदनशील कालावधी’ मानले जाते. या काळात मेंदू पर्यावरणीय उद्दीपनांस प्रतिसाद देतो, पण तेवढाच संज्ञात्मक भारही सहन करत नाही.

स्विस मानसशास्त्रज्ञ Jean Piaget यांच्या मते, पाच ते अकरा वर्षांचे वय हे ‘संकल्पनात्मक क्रिया टप्पा’ (Concrete Operational Stage) असते. या टप्प्यात मुले संकल्पना, वर्गीकरण, तार्किक अनुक्रम अशा बाबी समजू लागतात, पण विचारांची अमूर्तता अजून नवजात असते. म्हणूनच त्यांना स्पर्शिक अनुभव, शोधाभिमुख शिक्षण व त्यांच्या स्वाभाविक कुतूहलाची जोपासना आवश्यक असते.

आणि अशा या नाजूक वास्तुरचनेत आपण एकाच वेळी तीन भाषा ओततो — स्वतंत्र व्याकरण, उच्चारप्रणाली, भाषासंरचना व साहित्यसंपन्नतेसह! परिणामी काय होते? बहुभाषिक सशक्तीकरण नव्हे तर संज्ञात्मक गोंधळ, पाठांतराची कंटाळवाणेपणा, आणि सर्जनशीलतेचा श्वास घोटणारी भयानक वास्तवता!

३. आकडे काय सांगतात: भाषाभार आणि शैक्षणिक अपयश

या मांडणीला आधार देण्यासाठी वस्तुनिष्ठ आकडे तपासूया.

प्रथम संस्थेने २०२३ मध्ये केलेल्या Annual Status of Education Report नुसार, ग्रामीण भागातील पाचवीच्या सुमारे ५०% विद्यार्थ्यांना दुसरीच्या पातळीवरील मजकूर मातृभाषेतसुद्धा भाषेत वाचता येत नव्हता. इतकेच नव्हे, तर त्या टक्केवारीत गण्याच्या प्राथमिक क्षमतेतही अपयश दिसून आले. मुले मातृभाषेतही कार्यक्षम साक्षरता गाठू शकत नसतील तर तीन भाषांचा भर त्यांच्यावर टाकणे हीच शोकांतिका.

PISA (Programme for International Student Assessment) या OECD च्या आंतरराष्ट्रीय चाचणीमध्ये, भारताचा क्रमांक २००९ मध्ये ७४ पैकी ७३ वा आला. भारत त्यानंतर सहभागी झाला नाही. परंतु सिंगापूर, जपान, दक्षिण कोरिया हे देश दरवेळी आघाडीवर असतात — आणि हे देश दोन भाषांवर लक्ष केंद्रित करतात, तीनवर नव्हे.

फिनलंडमध्ये औपचारिक शिक्षण सातव्या वर्षी सुरू होते, तेही फक्त एका भाषेत. येथे खेळ, शोध, आणि समजूतदार विचारप्रणाली यावर भर असतो. शिक्षणतज्ज्ञ Pasi Sahlberg यांनी म्हटले आहे: “लहानवयातशिक्षणासाठी ‘कमीम्हणजेअधिक‘ हेतत्त्वलागूहोतं.”

त्यामुळे भारतीय त्रिभाषा सूत्र हे शैक्षणिक नव्हे, तर विचारसरणीचे अवशेष बनले आहे — सुंदर पण उपयोगशून्य अलंकार.

४. बहुभाषिकता : एक दुधारी तलवार

इथे स्पष्ट करणे गरजेचे आहे — बहुभाषिकता हा खलनायक नाही. उलट, UNESCO व American Academy of Pediatrics च्या अभ्यासांनुसार, द्विभाषिक मुलांमध्ये उत्तम विचारक्षमता, कार्यकारी कार्यपद्धती व समस्या सोडवण्याची जास्त क्षमता दिसते. पण हे लाभ हळूहळू भाषा शिकवले तरच प्रकट होतात — आधी मातृभाषेत भक्कम साक्षरता आणि संख्याज्ञान हे आवश्यक.

Journal of Experimental Child Psychology मध्ये २०१८ मध्ये प्रसिद्ध झालेल्या संशोधनानुसार, एकाच वेळी अनेक लिपींशी (जसे देवनागरी, रोमन, उर्दू) ओळख झाल्यास वाचनक्षमता उशिरा विकसित होते. मेंदूचा जास्त वेळ उच्चार समजून घेण्यावर जातो, अर्थ समजावण्यावर नाही.

समय हेच निर्णायक तत्व आहे. विचार करायला शिकणाऱ्या मेंदूला एकाच वेळी तीन भाषेत विचारायला लावणे म्हणजे घातच!

५. शिक्षणाचा पडसाद : शिक्षक, पालक आणि पुस्तकांची हुकूमशाही

या त्रिभाषा धोरणाचे प्रत्यक्ष परिणामही तितकेच गंभीर आहेत. विशेषतः सरकारी शाळांतील शिक्षक आधीच गोंधळात आहेत — त्यांना एकच भाषा नीट शिकवण्याचे प्रशिक्षण मिळालेले नसते, तर तीन शिकवण्याची अपेक्षा ठेवली जाते! पाठ्यपुस्तके वेळेवर मिळत नाहीत. वर्ग कोंदट आणि गच्च असतात. आणि नवोदित, पहिल्या पिढीतले विद्यार्थी — या भाषिक जंगलात स्वतःच वाट काढण्यास भाग पाडले जातात.

पालकही गोंधळतात. एकीकडे मराठी बोलणारी आई, दुसरीकडे हिंदी समजणारे वडील, आणि इंग्रजीत शिकवणारी शाळा — अशा त्रिकोणात शिक्षणाचा आत्मा हरवतो. गृहपाठ युद्ध बनतो. शिक्षण कष्ट बनते. आनंद हरवतो.

आणि परिणामी, आपण अशा पिढीची निर्मिती करतो की जिच्या मुखी तीन भाषांतील क्रियापदे असतात, पण एका भाषेतही “का?” असा प्रश्न विचारायची आत्मिक उमेद नसते.

६. आंतरराष्ट्रीय आरसा : इतर देश आपल्याला काय शिकवतात?

जरा आंतरराष्ट्रीय दृष्टीने पाहूया की शैक्षणिक दृष्ट्या यशस्वी देश काय वेगळं करतात.

फिनलंड: सातव्या वर्षापर्यंत फक्त एकच भाषा, जिज्ञासावर्धनावर आधारित शिक्षण, शिक्षकांना स्वायत्तता, आणि सोळाव्या वर्षापर्यंत कोणतीही प्रमाणित परीक्षा नाही.

सिंगापूर: दोन भाषांची नीती (मातृभाषा + इंग्रजी), शिक्षकांचे दर्जेदार प्रशिक्षण, आणि सुरुवातीपासून STEM (विज्ञान-तंत्रज्ञान) वर भर.

दक्षिण कोरिया: लहान वयातील शिक्षणात मोठी गुंतवणूक, राष्ट्रीय भाषेवर आधारित द्वैभाषिकता, आणि कमी धावपळीचा अभ्यासक्रम.

या कोणत्याही देशाने पहिल्याच इयत्तेपासून तीन भाषा लादलेल्या नाहीत. त्याऐवजी, शिक्षणाचे बांधकाम हळूहळू, एक एक दगड रचत, बालकाच्या मानसिक क्षमतेचा सन्मान राखत केले आहे.

७. भारतीय विसंगती : शैक्षणिकतेचे सोंग घेतलेली धोरणे

भारताची त्रिभाषा योजना ही खरे तर उदात्त हेतूंनी प्रेरित होती — भाषिक ऐक्य राखणे, प्रादेशिक वैविध्य जपणे, आणि उत्तर-दक्षिण समन्वय साधणे. पण केवळ हेतू पवित्र असले म्हणजे परिणामही पवित्रच होतील, असे नाही.

प्रत्यक्षात ही योजना आता एक ‘शासकीय अवशेष’ बनली आहे — एक अशी धोरणात्मक मूर्ती जी मेंदूविज्ञान, शिक्षणशास्त्र व जागतिक अनुभव यांच्याशी काहीही देणेघेणे न ठेवता, जुन्या साच्यात गोठून राहिली आहे.

जेव्हा भाषिक प्रतिनिधित्व हे शैक्षणिक विवेकाच्या जागी येते, तेव्हा आपण अशा पिढीला जन्म देतो जी तीन भाषांत कविता म्हणू शकते, पण एका भाषेत वैज्ञानिक घटना समजावून सांगू शकत नाही. हे रूंदीचा आभास देणारे खोलीचा अभाव असलेले शिक्षण आहे — पाठांतराला प्रतिष्ठा देणारे, पण समजून घेतल्यावर मौन पसरवणारे.

८. घटनात्मक पार्श्वभूमी: कायदे, स्वायत्तता आणि बंधनाची सीमारेषा

भारताची राज्यघटना शिक्षणाला एकीकडे वैयक्तिक प्रवास मानते, तर दुसरीकडे सार्वजनिक कर्तव्य. अनुच्छेद२४६ आणि सप्तमअनुसूचीतील ‘सामायिक यादी’ (List III) हे याचे प्रतिबिंब आहेत. यामध्ये केंद्र व राज्ये दोघांनाही शिक्षण क्षेत्रात कायदे करण्याचा अधिकार आहे. तथापि, जर केंद्र व राज्य यांच्यात एकाच विषयावर मतभेद झाले, तर अनुच्छेद२५४ प्रमाणे केंद्रीय कायद्यास वरील स्थान आहे.

परंतु विशेष बाब म्हणजे — शाळांमध्ये पहिल्याच वर्गापासून तीन भाषा सक्तीने शिकवण्याचा कोणताही केंद्रीय कायदा अस्तित्वात नाही. ही त्रिभाषायोजना केवळ शिफारस म्हणून मांडण्यात आली होती, ती कायद्याने बंधनकारक नाही.

म्हणूनच, महाराष्ट्रशासन अशा धोरणात्मक निर्णय घेत असताना राज्यघटनेच्या मर्यादेत वावरते. मात्र, कायदा करण्याचा अधिकार असूनही, तो ‘शहाणपणाने’ वापरणे ही त्याची नैतिक आणि शैक्षणिक जबाबदारी आहे. केवळ प्रतिनिधित्व किंवा प्रशासकीय समता यासाठी नव्हे, तर मुलांच्या विकासासाठी हे धोरण असले पाहिजे.

९. राष्ट्रीय शैक्षणिक धोरण २०२० : दिशा, आदेश नव्हे

NEP 2020 ही भारताच्या शिक्षणाला नव्याने घडवण्यासाठी आखलेली महत्त्वाकांक्षी रूपरेषा आहे. ती भाषिक विविधतेला स्वीकारते, पण लहान वयातील मेंदूवर होणाऱ्या अति-भाषिक भाराबद्दल सावध करते. त्रिभाषा योजना यात आहे खरे — पण ती प्रथम इयत्तेपासून सक्तीची नव्हे, आणि सर्वांवर लागू होणारी ‘एकसंध’ अटही नव्हे.

विशेषतः कलम 4.12 नुसार, पहिल्या दोन इयत्तांपर्यंत मुलांना मातृभाषेत किंवा प्रादेशिक भाषेत शिकवावे असे सुचवले आहे. कारण या टप्प्यावर लक्ष केंद्रित असते — अक्षर व अंक साक्षरता यावर.

धोरणात हेही सांगितले आहे की, इतर भाषा हळूहळू व विवेकी पद्धतीने शिकवाव्यात — मुलांची मानसिक क्षमता, भाषिक परिसर आणि शिक्षकसामग्री लक्षात घेऊन. मूल एका भाषेत विचार करायला शिकल्याशिवाय त्याच्यावर इतर भाषांचा भार टाकणे म्हणजे पद्धतशीर अन्याय.

त्यामुळे महाराष्ट्र सरकारचे त्रिभाषिक धोरण NEP 2020 च्या मूळ दृष्टीकोनाशी आणि शैक्षणिक भावनेशी विसंगत आहे. जे धोरण विद्यार्थ्यांना सक्षम बनवण्यासाठी होते, त्याचे इथे कोवळ्या मेंदूंवर बोजा बनले आहे.

१०. एक नवी दिशा : भाषाशिक्षणाचा नव्याने विचार

मग पुढचा मार्ग कोणता?

मूलाधार साक्षरता प्रथम: मातृभाषेत मजबूत साक्षरतेने प्रारंभ. UNESCO Global Education Monitoring Report (2022) नुसार, मूल आपल्या मातृभाषेत उत्तम शिकते.

द्वैभाषिक संरचना नंतर: इंग्रजी किंवा हिंदी (किंवा दोन्ही) हळूहळू इयत्ता ५ किंवा ६ पासून सुरू करणे.

विज्ञानवादी दृष्टिकोन: लहान वयात प्रश्न विचारण्याची सवय, कथाकथन, कोडिंग, विज्ञान व तर्कशास्त्र यांचा समावेश.

शिक्षकांचे सशक्तीकरण: भाषाशिक्षणासाठी योग्य प्रशिक्षण, संज्ञानात्मक भार ओळखण्याची क्षमता.

पाठ्यपुस्तकांची पुनर्रचना: भाषा व मजकूर वयानुसार व संस्कृतीशी सुसंगत.

मुलाला श्वास घेऊ द्या…

शिक्षणाला ओळखाच्या राजकारणाचे रणांगण बनवू नका. भारताचे भविष्य भाषिक अभिमानाच्या खंदकात गमावण्यासारखे महाग आहे. एकता हवीच — पण ती हेतूची असावी, नव्हे की आदेशांची.

मुलाला श्वास घेऊ द्या. त्यांना प्रश्न विचारू द्या. चूटचूटीत वाक्य लिहू द्या. नवीन शब्द निर्माण करू द्या. ते खडूने जमिनीवर सूर्यमालेचे चित्र काढतील, कागदातून रॉकेट बनवतील. त्यांना अगोदर एक भाषा आत्मसात करू द्या — मगच तीन शिकवा.

त्यांना शिकण्याचा गोडवा निर्माण होवू द्या — केवळ “रामधारी सिंह दिनकर” आणि “कुसुमाग्रज” पाठ करण्यासाठी नव्हे, तर अणूमधील जादू आणि आकाशातील काव्य शोधण्यासाठीसुद्धा!

शेवटी शिक्षण म्हणजे आपण काय शिकवतो हे नव्हे — मूले काय विचार करतात, काय प्रश्न करतात, काय नव निर्माणाची क्षमता ठेवतात अशा बाबींना प्रोत्साहन देणे, वैचारिकतेला वाव देणे, सर्जनशीलता वाढविणे — हेच खरे शिक्षण. आणि त्यासाठी, कमी म्हणजे अधिक, खोलपणा म्हणजे शहाणपण, आणि नेहमी, ‘अभ्यासक्रमा’आधी ‘मूल’ महत्वाचे हे तत्व अवलंबिने!

The Burden of Babel: Rethinking India’s Three-Language Formula in Early Education

“Every child begins the world anew—not to remember what we teach them, but to wonder why the world is.”

A Misplaced War of Words

In the cacophony of India’s linguistic landscape, it is easy to mistake noise for nuance. The recent public debate swirling around the language policy in schools—often couched as a contest between Marathi and Hindi—is, at best, a false dichotomy. This parochial framing misses the forest for the trees. The issue is not one language pitted against another, but rather the educational wisdom—or lack thereof—of thrusting three distinct languages upon the shoulders of a six-year-old, fresh from the womb of wonder and still discovering the alphabet of existence.

The National Education Policy (NEP) 2020, laudable in its broader vision, falters in this crucial area. By advocating three languages, it prioritizes national integration and linguistic representation over the cognitive well-being of children. While unity in diversity is indeed a noble motto, unity at the cost of developmental harmony is a dangerous wager, if it is not construed in scientific perspective.

II. The Fragile Clay of Childhood: What Science Tells Us

To understand the gravity of this policy’s impact, we must first revisit what modern neuroscience and psychology tell us about childhood learning.

The brain of a child in the early years is a marvel of neuroplasticity. According to the Center on the Developing Child at Harvard University, over 1 million new neural connections are formed every second in the first few years of life. These formative years—roughly from birth to age 8—represent what scientists call a “sensitive period” for learning. During this phase, a child’s brain is most responsive to environmental stimuli, but also most vulnerable to cognitive overload.

Jean Piaget, the Swiss psychologist whose theories still shape pedagogical frameworks worldwide, defined the ages between 5 and 11 as the “concrete operational stage.” At this stage, children begin to grasp concepts such as conservation, classification, and logical sequencing. However, abstract reasoning is still nascent. They learn best through tangible experiences, inquiry-based exploration, and the nurturing of their innate curiosity.

Into this fragile architecture, we now pour the weight of three fully-formed languages—each with its own grammar, phonetics, syntax, and literary traditions. The result is not multilingual brilliance but cognitive clutter, rote fatigue, and the quiet suffocation of creativity.

III. What the Data Reveals: Language Load Versus Learning Outcomes

Let us anchor this argument with empirical evidence.

The Annual Status of Education Report (ASER) 2023, conducted by Pratham, revealed a troubling trend: nearly 50% of Class 5 students in rural India could not read a Class 2-level text in any language. A similar percentage struggled with basic arithmetic. The implications are stark—despite studying multiple languages, children are not achieving functional literacy in even one.

The PISA assessments, conducted by the OECD every three years to evaluate 15-year-olds in reading, math, and science, rank India far below its Asian peers. While India withdrew from the test after a poor performance in 2009 (where it ranked 73rd out of 74), countries like Singapore, Japan, and South Korea consistently top the charts—each of them focusing on two-language systems, not three.

In contrast, Finland, where formal education begins at age 7 with just one language, continues to produce students with the highest scientific literacy. The Finnish model emphasizes play, discovery, and critical thinking, especially in early grades. As Sahlberg (2011), a Finnish education expert, famously remarked: “Less is more when it comes to learning in the early years.”

The three-language formula in India, therefore, stands as an anomaly—more ideological than educational, more ornamental than effective.

IV. Multilingualism: A Double-Edged Sword

To be clear, multilingualism is not the villain in this narrative. On the contrary, studies by the American Academy of Pediatrics and UNESCO show that bilingual children often exhibit greater cognitive flexibility, better executive function, and enhanced problem-solving skills. But these benefits emerge when second and third languages are introduced gradually, ideally after foundational literacy and numeracy are secured in the mother tongue.

A 2018 study published in the Journal of Experimental Child Psychology found that premature exposure to multiple orthographic systems (different scripts) can delay reading fluency in all languages. The brain, when forced to juggle three scripts—say, Devanagari, Roman, and Urdu—allocates more energy to decoding than to comprehension or creativity.

The key variable is timing. A mind still learning to think in a language should not be asked to think across three.

V. The Pedagogical Fallout: Teachers, Parents, and Textbook Tyranny

The practical consequences of the policy are equally troubling. Teachers, especially in government schools, are stretched thin. Many are undertrained in teaching even one language proficiently, let alone three. Textbooks arrive late. Classrooms are overcrowded. And children, especially first-generation learners, are often left to fend for themselves in the linguistic wilderness.

Parents, too, find themselves alienated. A mother who speaks only Marathi, a father familiar with Hindi, and a classroom taught in English create a triad of confusion. Homework becomes a battleground; learning becomes labor; education loses its joy.

And thus, we raise a generation of children who may know how to conjugate verbs in three tongues, but cannot ask “why” with conviction in even one.

VI. The International Mirror: What Other Nations Teach Us

Let us now peer across the globe to see what educationally successful nations do differently.

Finland: One language until age 7, focus on curiosity-driven learning, teacher autonomy, and no standardized tests till age 16.

Singapore: Two-language policy (mother tongue and English), high-quality teacher training, and STEM focus from early grades. Ranked No.1 in science and math by PISA (2018).

South Korea: Heavy investment in early education, bilingualism with a national language focus, minimal curriculum clutter.

None of these nations impose three concurrent language streams from Grade 1. Instead, they carefully scaffold learning—one building block at a time, respecting the child’s cognitive bandwidth.

VII. The Indian Contradiction: Policy Masquerading as Pedagogy

India’s three-language formula was born out of good intentions: to ensure linguistic unity, preserve regional diversity, and balance north-south sensibilities. But noble intentions do not absolve flawed implementations.

In practice, it has become a bureaucratic relic—a policy frozen in time, immune to the advances in brain science, pedagogical research, and comparative education.

By prioritizing linguistic representation over scientific reasoning, we risk raising a generation that can recite poetry in three languages but cannot write a coherent paragraph analyzing a scientific phenomenon. We confuse breadth for depth, representation for retention, and memorization for mastery.

VIII. The Constitutional Canvas: Law, Autonomy, and the Limits of Prescription

India’s constitutional architecture, in its wisdom, has long recognised education as both a personal journey and a public duty—a shared responsibility between the Centre and the States. This delicate balance finds expression in Article 246, read in conjunction with Schedule VII, where education occupies the Concurrent List (List III). In this shared legislative space, both the Union and individual States are empowered to enact laws and shape educational policy. Yet, the Constitution also anticipates friction: should a conflict arise between a central and state statute on the same subject, Article 254 asserts the primacy of the central law—a safeguard against legislative dissonance.

However, on the specific matter of the imposition of three languages from the very first year of formal schooling, it must be noted with clarity: no central legislation exists mandating such a framework. The much-invoked Three-Language Formula, far from being a statutory command, was a recommendatory device, intended to reflect linguistic pluralism rather than enforce uniformity. It was never enshrined in law; it bears no coercive force.

In the absence of such a central mandate, the States are left free to chart their own linguistic trajectories. They may adopt, modify, or set aside the formula based on their unique demographic, cultural, and educational considerations. Thus, the Government of Maharashtra, in crafting its language education policy, acts well within the bounds of constitutional legitimacy.

Yet, with great autonomy comes profound responsibility. While empowered to legislate, the State is also morally and pedagogically bound to act in the best interests of its children—not merely in the name of cultural representation or administrative uniformity. The developmental needs of the child—cognitive, emotional, and linguistic—must guide the hand that drafts such policies. To legislate is a right; to legislate wisely, a duty.

IX. The National Education Policy 2020: Guidance, Not Mandate

The National Education Policy (NEP) 2020, an ambitious blueprint for reimagining India’s educational landscape, embraces multilingualism as a tool for inclusion and enrichment. It echoes the spirit of India’s linguistic diversity while cautioning against cognitive overload in young learners. The three-language formula is present, yes—but not as an imposition from Grade I, and certainly not as a one-size-fits-all diktat.

Specifically, Section 4.12 and its ancillary provisions within the NEP 2020 propose a gradual and sensitive introduction of multiple languages. The document makes it abundantly clear that in the foundational stage (up to Grade II), children should primarily be taught in their mother tongue or regional language. The rationale is rooted not in politics but in developmental science: foundational literacy and numeracy are to be the bedrock of early education.

Further, the policy advises that the introduction of additional languages be phased and considerate, factoring in the child’s cognitive capacity, the linguistic context of the region, and the availability of competent teachers and materials. It recognises that young minds thrive not in linguistic congestion but in conceptual clarity and gradual exposure.

Thus, the Maharashtra government’s policy to introduce three languages simultaneously from Grade I not only lacks a constitutional compulsion, but stands at odds with the vision, tone, and intent of NEP 2020. What was meant to be a roadmap for empowering learners has here been translated into a premature burden on their still-forming minds.

X. Toward a New Vision: Rethinking the Language Ladder

What then is the way forward?

Foundational Literacy First: Begin with the mother tongue or dominant regional language to build strong literacy skills. This is backed by UNESCO’s Global Education Monitoring Report (2022), which shows children learn best when taught in their home language during early grades.

Bilingual Scaffold Later: Introduce English or Hindi (or both) gradually, from Grade 5 or 6, depending on regional contexts. Allow one language to take root before planting the next.

Scientific Temperament as a Core Objective: Dedicate early grades to cultivating curiosity, problem-solving, and hands-on inquiry. Replace some language load with activities in reasoning, coding, storytelling, or even philosophy for children.

Teacher Empowerment: Train educators in language pedagogy with sensitivity to cognitive loads. Equip them to recognize signs of overload and adapt accordingly.

Curriculum Audit: Regularly review and revise textbooks to ensure linguistic content is developmentally appropriate and culturally relevant.

Let the Child Breathe

Let us not reduce education to a battlefield of identity politics. The future of India cannot afford to be lost in the trenches of linguistic pride. If we must uphold unity, let it be unity in purpose, not in prescription.

Let the child breathe. Let her ask questions. Let her write messy sentences. Let her invent words, build rockets from cardboard, and draw the solar system on the floor with chalk. Let her learn one language well, before burdening her with three. Let her fall in love with learning—not because she must recite “Ramdhari Singh Dinkar” in one period and “Kusumagraj” in the next—but because she sees magic in atoms and poetry in the stars.

In the end, education is not about what we teach; it is about what they retain, question, and create. And for that to happen, less is more, depth over display, and always, child before curriculum.

A Second Chance at Enlightenment: Rewriting India’s Educational Destiny

History is a river with many tributaries—some clear, some murky, all converging to form the complex current of the present. The educational voyage of the Indian subcontinent is precisely such a river. It has never flowed in a single, unified stream; rather, it has bent, broken, merged, and meandered under the pressures of culture, conquest, and cosmic beliefs. Now, as the tides of global transformation swell, India finds herself at a decisive bend—offered, perhaps for the first time in millennia, a chance to re-script the very grammar of learning and rectify the historical wrongs inflicted upon the collective intellect of her people.

In the Beginning: A Landscape of Learning

Long before scripts were inked on bark or stone, the seeds of scientific curiosity were sown in the alluvial soils of what would become India. The great migrations from Africa to South Asia, occurring roughly 40,000 to 60,000 years ago, brought with them not merely survival instincts but rudimentary sparks of reasoning and observation. The ruins of Mohenjo-daro and Harappa whisper of minds that could orchestrate intricate urban planning, systematic water management, sewage system and civil engineering. This was not mere instinct but the expression of an organized epistemology—a silent testimony to an educational framework that predated priests and psalms.

Though we have no surviving scrolls from those eras, the evidences etched in fired bricks and drainage channels suggest the presence of a culture rooted in empirical and scientific understanding. It would not be far-fetched to infer that learning, in those times, was experiential, inclusive, and pragmatic—traits any modern education system would envy.

The Fork in the Path: When the Abstract Replaced the Analytical

But then, somewhere around 1500 BCE, the winds from Central Asia carried new waves of settlers bearing the Vedic worldview—an intricate tapestry of spiritual verses, cosmologies, and rituals. With them came Sanskrit, a beautiful but inaccessible tongue to the majority, and with it, the doctrine that knowledge was the privilege of a chosen few. The earlier scientific and civic bent of Indian learning began to buckle under the growing weight of metaphysical abstraction and priestly exclusivity.

The shift was not just philosophical; it was architectural—structuring a society where learning was no longer a right but a ritualistic inheritance. The Manusmriti, that grim ledger of social hierarchies, encoded knowledge into a tightly guarded vault, locked with caste, and guarded with gender. For centuries, the Indian intellect, save a slender echelon of pseudo upper-class males, was systematically starved.

Sanskrit, which might have become the language of logic and law, was instead weaponized as a gatekeeper of knowledge. Women, Shudras, Dalits—vast oceans of potential—were excommunicated from the very pursuit that defines humanity: the quest to know. The consequence? A continent of thinkers reduced to reciters; a civilization of makers, turned into mystics.

A Struggle Rekindled: Modernity Pierces the Cloister

The 19th and 20th centuries were not merely epochs of rebellion—they were a resuscitation of reason. When Jyotiba Phule opened the first school for girls, when Savitribai Phule braved abuse to teach them, when Vidyasagar challenged orthodoxy, when Dr. Ambedkar rose from untouchability to rewrite India’s Constitution—they were not just fighting for access to books. They were liberating the Indian mind.

Even the British, though their motives were coloured by imperial convenience, introduced an education system that breached the old fortresses. It brought English, not as a tool of cultural dominance alone, but as a bridge to modernity. Science, rationalism, and a sense of global belonging slowly returned to Indian classrooms.

Independence brought with it not merely self-rule but the constitutional guarantee of education as a fundamental right. The establishment of IITs, IIMs, national research centres, and public universities heralded a new dawn—an India willing to invest in its intellect once more. And the fruits were swift: from nuclear science to space exploration, from software exports to startups, India began to reclaim her rightful place in the global intellectual arena.

And Yet, The Shadows Persist

But here lies the paradox: a country that now boasts the world’s largest youth population still struggles to answer a foundational question—education, for what?

Are we merely churning out degree-holders for an increasingly narrow job market? Are our institutions preparing students for a life of inquiry and innovation, or merely survival? The answer, sadly, is ambivalent.

Curricula too often lack vision. The marketplace dictates educational priorities more than societal needs. Worse still, troubling reports suggest attempts to dilute scientific temper and sneak back archaic, faith-based ideologies into classrooms under the guise of “cultural renaissance.” Such regression is not a revival—it is a betrayal.

The goal of education must not be restricted to employability; it must awaken empathy, instill ethics, provoke imagination, and nurture reason. The child who enters Class I today will graduate into a world ruled by artificial intelligence, genomic manipulation, and machine-human hybrids. If their education is shackled to rote learning and spiritual fatalism, they shall be adrift in a future they neither comprehend nor control.

Correcting the Course: The Mandate of the Next 25 Years

The next quarter century is not a planning horizon; it is a destiny window. If we fail now, the costs will be civilizational.

India must design education policies that are future-ready and philosophically sound. The curriculum must be dynamic, multilingual, and multicultural, but rooted in scientific methodology. Pedagogy must shift from memorization to exploration. Skills must be interwoven with values—creating citizens, not just workers.

Moreover, our institutions must begin producing intellectual property at a scale that reflects our demographic strength. With 17% of the world’s population, we contribute a negligible fraction of global patents. That is not a statistical quirk—it is the legacy of millennia of intellectual suppression.

To reverse this, we must invest not just in education but in educated environments—libraries, labs, makerspaces, public science forums, community colleges, vocational hubs. The goal must be clear: transform India from a consumer of global knowledge to a creator of global paradigms.

The Ethical Imperative: Education with Humanity

And let us not forget: the best minds can also become the most dangerous when devoid of moral compass. Our emphasis must be not just on what is taught, but how it shapes the soul. Compassion, critical thinking, collaboration—these must become the cornerstones of every school and university.

For too long, education in India was a weapon of exclusion. Now it must become an instrument of inclusion.

For too long, learning was a ladder only for the few. Now it must become a bridge for the many.

A Call to Conscience

We stand today with history in our hands. It has offered us a second chance—rare, precious, and perhaps final. If we ignore the lessons of the past and allow ignorance to wear the garb of tradition, we will have not only failed ourselves, but betrayed the memory of those who fought to educate us.

But if we act—deliberately, inclusively, and courageously—we may yet become the society we once aspired to be: curious, just, luminous with knowledge.

Let this be the century in which India does not merely reclaim her lost legacy of learning, but redefines what it means to educate a nation—and through it, the world.

-Mahesh Zagade

The Croaking Retiree: A Bureaucrat’s Eulogy to Ignorance

In the grand theatre of governance, where wisdom and prudence were once considered the pillars of administrative service, emerges a voice from the abyss—an erstwhile high-ranking bureaucrat, whom we shall, for the sake of brevity, call the Retiree. This distinguished specimen of public service has taken it upon himself to issue a diktat to the nation: Thou shalt not question the omniscience of the IAS officer in power today, for they are the harbingers of all knowledge and governance.

The Retiree, once perched on the tallest branches of administration, now finds himself croaking from the depths of irrelevance. His proclamations reek of a devotion not to public service, but to a brand of ideological servitude that blinds him to reason, morality, and even the faintest echoes of reality. He has found his true calling not in post-retirement reflection but in a self-righteous crusade against intelligence, progress, and above all, the idea that power should ever be questioned.

The Gospel According to the Retiree

According to this self-anointed oracle of bureaucracy, any discussion about the plight of farmers, the destitute, or the socially disadvantaged is not an exercise in governance but an act of sedition. To even suggest measures that may alleviate their suffering is, in his lexicon, to flirt with the ghost of Karl Marx. Indeed, the mere act of questioning economic disparity or proposing a fairer system he maligns such an individual with the most damning of all titles—A Communist!

One would imagine that a person who once wielded the pen of policy and the sword of executive power would at least grasp the basic tenets of governance. But no, the Retiree sees the world through a peculiar prism, where stark ignorance is wisdom, mental derailment is intellectual prowess, and logic is but an unfortunate affliction of the weak-minded. His convictions, as unshakable as a weathered bureaucratic file gathering dust in a forgotten ministry, are not merely wrong but stunningly oblivious to their own contradictions.

Trump, Putin, and the Retiree’s Political Waltz

The Retiree’s ideological compass points resolutely to the extreme right, and his devotion to the gospel of Donald Trump is near religious. Why? Because Trump, like Retiree, thrives on the belief that knowledge is overrated, that institutions exist to be dismantled, and that those who question authority are to be ridiculed rather than heard. But here lies the comedy of it all: while the Retiree worships Trump as the supreme leader of the far-right, he conveniently ignores the rather inconvenient reality that Trump himself now embraces Vladimir Putin, a man who—by any stretch of the Retiree’s fevered imagination—would qualify as an extreme communist.

But such glaring contradictions do not trouble the fortified walls of the Retiree’s mind, for inside that citadel of circular logic, only one rule exists: I am right, because I say so. The fact that Trump, his ideological messiah, is dancing a diplomatic tango with a leader the Retiree would otherwise despise does not cause him the slightest distress. No, because to acknowledge such paradoxes would require a cognitive flexibility that he has long since abandoned in favor of the simple, comfortable dogma of the far-right echo chamber.

The Bureaucratic Landmines in India’s Progress

The Retiree’s existence is not merely a minor embarrassment to the IAS fraternity; he is a cautionary tale, a stark reminder of how the corridors of power sometimes breed men who mistake their titles for infallibility. The Indian Administrative Service, for all its imperfections, has been the backbone of governance for nearly eight decades. It has weathered crises, delivered policies, and, at times, served as the last line of defense against political waywardness.

But then, there are anomalies like the Retiree—bureaucratic landmines, waiting to explode with ignorance, bigotry, and an inexplicable hostility to progress. Such individuals do not merely fail to serve the people during their tenure; they continue their reign of intellectual terror long after retirement, spreading their warped legacy with the enthusiasm of a zealot.

A Nation’s Imperative: Shun the Croakers

If India is to move forward, it must learn to distinguish between administrators and ideological zealots, between wisdom and dogma, and most importantly, between governance and hollow grandstanding. The Retiree represents the rot that festers when power is mistaken for intelligence, when ideology eclipses logic, and when the civil services, meant to be impartial and rational, become breeding grounds for blind allegiance to extremism.

We must not merely reject such individuals—we must hold them accountable for the damage they do, both in service and in retirement. The true measure of an administrator is not in the power they wield, but in the integrity with which they wield it. And by that measure, the Retiree, in all his croaking glory, is nothing more than a lamentable footnote in the annals of bureaucracy—a relic best left in the past, as India strides toward a future where governance is dictated not by ideology, but by reason and justice.

The Population Paradox: Addressing the Myths and Realities of Decline

The RSS chief, Shri Mohanji Bhagwat, expressed concern about the declining population of India in a public program in Nagpur on December 1. He further appealed that the current fertility rate in the country has come down to 2.1, which will cause immense harm to the society due to the decrease in population. Considering the social status of Shri Bhagwat in the country, his statement is of immense importance. It is natural to get reactions to the concerns he has expressed, and such reactions have been received.

It will be necessary to understand the reality behind Shri Bhagwat’s statement scientifically. Research has been done all over the world on demography in the last two hundred years and there is a general consensus on one figure, which is that if 2.1 children are born per woman, that is, if the fertility rate is 2.1, the population of that country remains stable without increasing. If the fertility rate is more than 2.1 per woman, the population continues to increase, and if it is less than that, the population decreases over time. Therefore, there is truth in Shri Bhagwat’s statement that if less than 2.1 children are born per woman, the population will start decreasing over time. Of course, this is not just a theory, but its reality is now starting to be seen all over the world. The fertility rate of Macau, South Korea, Hong Kong, Puerto Rico, Taiwan, etc. is less than 1.0. Out of 209 countries for which fertility rate data is available, the fertility rate of 114 countries has decreased to less than 2.1, and the average fertility rate of the entire world is 2.2, i.e., the population has almost reached a plateau. From this, a clear conclusion is drawn that it is an undeniable fact that the fertility rate is definitely decreasing in terms of population growth. Shri Bhagwat’s prediction that India’s current fertility rate of 2.1 will not increase over time is definitely true. But there is another side to it, which is also important. Looking at the future of the country only through the prism of declining fertility rate will not be right. This matter also needs to be discussed and analyzed thoroughly on the basis of scientific and statistical science.

Since the evolution of man about three lakh years ago, when he lived in forests or caves, his number has increased and his global population has reached about one to fifteen lakhs. But when he started farming about ten to twelve thousand years ago, there was a huge upheaval and the number of humans suddenly increased and around the year 1800, the global population reached 100 crores. In other words, it took about three lakh years for the global population of humans to reach 100 crores, however, in the last 220 years alone, it has increased eightfold and now it has reached 805 crores and is still increasing. According to the United Nations, by the year 2086, after this population reaches 10.4 billions, its growth will stop and then the population will start to decline and in the year 2100, it will again come down to 10.3 billions and this process of population decline will continue. There are many opinions about how this population decline will be. Darrell Bricker and John Ibbitson, in their book ‘Empty Planet’, have expressed their doubts in the title of their book whether this planet will become uninhabited. Of course, although different figures are given by different organizations or researchers in this regard, one fact is now clear, which is that the world’s population will definitely start declining by the end of the next century, rather than increasing permanently, and it has actually started in 114 out of the two hundred and nine countries of the world.

There is no consensus on the ideal population of the entire world or each country. But one fact is that the extent to which humans have used the resources of this planet in an uncontrolled and sometimes reckless or unwise manner over the past 250 years has created a man-made threat to this planet by permanently changing the climate. Therefore, the biggest problem facing the world is whether the very existence of humans will be in danger. The root causes of this problem are the excessive and excessive misuse of technology, a wrong economy and a huge population. If we consider this planet, the uncontrolled increase in the number of humans is neither in the interest of the planet nor of humans. Therefore, if the number of humans is decreasing naturally and the balance in nature is being restored, then there should be no objection to considering it as a positive thing.

If we consider India, the population will continue to grow for the next five decades, reaching 1.7 billion from the current 142 crore, then stabilizing and then decreasing. Therefore, the situation is not the same as the problem of population decline that Shri Bhagwat has expressed, but considering the current fertility rate, another 30 crore people will be added to the population in the next fifty years. Therefore, it is a fact that India will remain the country with the ‘most populous’ population in the world until the year 2100 or even beyond, and we should also consider how appropriate it is to give the title of ‘most populous’ or ‘number one population’ in the world.

In the above context, according to the idea that Shri Bhagwat has put forward that couples should have two to three children, if couples decide to accept his advice, then it is difficult to estimate how much additional population can increase, but it is equally true that the population increase will definitely be more than 30 crore.

It will also be necessary to consider whether this population increase is suitable for India or not. If we look at the global statistics, India’s situation seems contradictory. While we dream of becoming a global superpower, the reality before us is harsh. India’s comparative statistical position in the world is very weak and has always been a challenge to our economic aspirations.

Let us study the global situation and understand how India stands compared to other rich countries.

Compared to the major countries of the world, India’s position is as follows:

– Area: Only 2% of the world’s total land area

– Population: 17.78% of the world’s total population

– GDP: Only 3.53% of the world’s total GDP

– Per capita income: Only ₹2.28 lakh (about $2,750)

In contrast, the figures of a superpower like the United States are:

– Area: 6.1%

– Population: 4.23%

– GDP: 26.51% of the world’s total GDP

– Per capita income: ₹73.17 lakh (about $88,000)

These figures make it clear that there is a huge gap between India and the United States. Despite India’s population being almost four times that of the United States, its economy is only one-seventh that of the United States. Moreover, the per capita income is very low compared to the United States. To become a global superpower like the US, given its population and per capita income, India would have to grow its current economy of $3.89 trillion to $122 trillion. That is five times the size of the current US economy, and more than the current world GDP ($110 trillion)! While this growth is theoretically possible, it is practically impossible. The most important problem is the unbridled expansion of our population, which is putting a huge strain on our resources. In my opinion, the biggest obstacle in India’s economic math is its huge population! Our economy cannot grow fast enough to keep up with the growth of our population. This results in a very low per capita income. China has largely curbed this problem by implementing strict population control policies. However, in India, population control measures have not been very effective due to political and social reasons. We are seeing the results—crowded cities, crumbling infrastructure, and limited economic growth. This necessitates accepting the reality of the limitations of available resources and land. India is home to 17.78% of the world’s population on 2% of its land area. This disparity is leading to overuse of resources—land degradation, water scarcity, and pressure on arable land. Countries like the United States are blessed with abundant land and natural resources. In contrast, India has to grow within its limited resources. This affects its productivity and limits its ability to create wealth.

To become a global superpower, India must prioritize population control, efficient use of resources, and growth areas. Political will, social support, and international cooperation will be key factors in this journey.

We must face the reality that with only 2% of the land area, 17.78% of the population, and 3.53% of the GDP—we must always be aware of these harsh realities. If this math is to change, India can adopt economic restructuring and progressive policies while simultaneously controlling population, or at least supporting population control without interfering with the fertility rate that is currently declining, if it is self-regulating. Only by striving on this path can India take a step forward to become an economic superpower, where wealth and equality are balanced.

-Mahesh Zagade, IAS(rtd)

The Illusion of Privilege: Reflections on the Intellectual Stagnation of an Exclusively Educated Pseudo-Elite

In an era when social media has given voice to millions across cultural, economic, and social divides, an unexpected observation has emerged: a few members of a supposedly select ethnic elite, who for nearly three millennia enjoyed exclusive access to educational and societal privileges, often display a surprising lack of intellectual and cultural refinement online. A careful examination of this phenomenon raises profound questions about the impact of prolonged privilege on intellectual growth, social decency, and cultural evolution, revealing that exclusivity in education alone does not inherently cultivate wisdom, depth, empathy, decency or sophistication.

Historical Context of Exclusive Privilege

The foundation of this privileged group’s position traces back millennia, wherein access to knowledge, ritual, and power was cordoned off from the masses. Systems that reinforced hierarchy—such as caste structures, feudal patronage, and inherited authority—ensured that learning and decision-making remained confined to this minority and within the minority only to the males of an elite group. Over time, the separation became deeply embedded in social expectations, ritual traditions, and legal codes, reinforcing the perception that this elite alone was capable of interpreting and safeguarding knowledge, whether sacred or otherwise.

This exclusive access also placed members of this group in roles that shaped society’s moral, educational, and philosophical frameworks. They became arbiters of culture and guides to societal values, shaping the ethics, beliefs, and behaviors of broader society. However, as time passed and societal structures evolved, this monopoly became increasingly disconnected from the realities of a changing world. One might expect that such extended access to learning would have cultivated a distinctive depth of thought or a nuanced appreciation of human experience; yet, this does not seem to be the case.

The Exposure of Intellectual Stagnation in the Digital Age

With the advent of social media, individuals from all strata of society gained the ability to express themselves freely, offering a unique, unfiltered view into their thinking, beliefs, and personalities. One might have expected that the descendants of supposedly educated elite—long nurtured on philosophical texts, classical literature, and moral doctrines—would bring to the digital realm a distinct voice: one marked by discernment, restraint, and an elevated perspective. Instead, what often emerges is quite the contrary.

The comments, expressions, and interactions seen on social media from individuals within this group often betray a startling superficiality. Rather than fostering respectful discourse or promoting a nuanced worldview, their engagements frequently reflect narrow-mindedness, necrotic thought processes, overt defensiveness, and a marked lack of critical thought. Many appear to cling to outdated perspectives, wielding their historical privileges with a tone of entitlement rather than humility or cultural sophistication.

Educational Exclusivity and Its Limitations on Intellectual Evolution

True intellectual growth thrives on a cross-pollination of ideas, experiences, and perspectives. When knowledge is confined to an isolated group, it becomes a closed loop, increasingly insular and resistant to new ideas. While traditional teachings and classical education may have their own reasons, without engagement with other knowledge systems, the approach to learning becomes stagnant. Furthermore, when education becomes synonymous with privilege rather than purpose, the pursuit of wisdom fades into complacency, and curiosity is overshadowed by a sense of inherited pseudo-superiority.

Over generations, this isolation likely stunted the intellectual evolution of this privileged class. They were afforded an education that excluded rigorous debate and the accountability of competing perspectives. Instead, they became accustomed to a cultural feedback loop that continually reaffirmed their own beliefs and societal status. Such an environment seldom rewards introspection or self-improvement but instead reinforces a narrow worldview.

Decency, Respect, and Social Maturity in Decline

The challenge posed by these observations is not limited to intellect alone; it extends to basic social decency and respect. The frequency of caustic, arrogant, or intolerant responses often displayed by members of this group on social media suggests an erosion of basic interpersonal respect. The lack of open-mindedness reflects not only a cognitive stagnation but also a moral one. The attitude exhibited on such platforms exposes a failure to evolve socially or emotionally alongside the rest of society, indicating that exclusive access to education has not imbued this group with a corresponding level of cultural or moral growth.

The erosion of interpersonal decency raises deeper questions about the purpose of education itself. Is education meant to solely inform, or does it also have a role in nurturing empathy, respect, and an appreciation for others’ perspectives? If the answer is the latter, then the legacy of this group’s privileged education appears sorely lacking. The apparent inability to engage with respect, decency, and open-mindedness reflects a deeply entrenched intellectual and ethical myopia.

The Broader Implications for Society

When a pseudo-elite group, ostensibly educated and culturally sophisticated, exhibits such traits, it casts doubt on the broader societal value of inherited privilege. A society that ties intellectual worth to social status risks fostering an environment where genuine talent and moral courage are undervalued. In the digital age, this pseudo-elite can no longer insulate itself from public scrutiny. Their engagement—or lack thereof—shows how inherited privilege without a foundation of openness or intellectual curiosity leads not to refinement but to stagnation.

If the modern era teaches us anything, it is that the strength of a society’s intellectual character lies in diversity and inclusion. Privilege and exclusivity, rather than enhancing intellectual and moral sophistication, often become cages, limiting growth and leading to an intellectual lethargy that is neither impressive nor inspiring.

Toward a Reassessment of Privilege and Education

The tale of this privileged group is a cautionary one, underscoring the risks of intellectual isolation and the limitations of inherited status. As social media continues to democratize voice and influence, it exposes the fallacies of those who cling to their ancestral privilege without contributing to the advancement of thought, decency, or cultural integrity. To adapt to the modern world, education must be reframed not as a legacy but as a responsibility—a continuous, interactive, and inclusive journey rather than a static entitlement.

True progress and enlightenment demand intellectual courage, humility, and a readiness to question, adapt, and grow. For this privileged class, the path forward lies in shedding the illusion of inherent pseudo-superiority and embracing the richness that only comes from genuine engagement, critical thinking, and the acknowledgment that wisdom is, ultimately, a shared endeavor.

The Eternal Quest for Truth: Examining the Legacy of Mahatma Phule’s Satyashodhak Samaj in Modern Context

Introduction:

In the annals of history, the pursuit of truth has often been a contentious endeavor, challenged by societal norms, religious doctrines, and political agendas. In 1873, against the backdrop of colonial India, Mahatma Phule boldly established the Satyashodhak Samaj, a society dedicated to unraveling the truth and challenging entrenched beliefs. In an era when such pursuits were considered sacrilegious and antithetical to nationalist ideals, Phule’s initiative was revolutionary. However, as we navigate the complexities of the modern world, it begs the question: Is the pursuit of truth once more castigated as sacrilege?

Mahatma Phule and the Satyashodhak Samaj:

Mahatma Jyotirao Phule, a prominent social reformer in 19th-century India, envisioned a society free from the shackles of caste discrimination, gender inequality, and religious dogma. His seminal work, “Gulamgiri” (Slavery), challenged the hierarchical caste system and advocated for social justice and education for the oppressed classes. Phule’s beliefs were deeply rooted in the pursuit of truth, which he saw as essential for the liberation of society from ignorance and injustice.

In 1873, Phule founded the Satyashodhak Samaj, or the Society of Seekers of Truth, with the aim of promoting rational thinking, social equality, and scientific inquiry. The Samaj provided a platform for individuals to question prevailing beliefs, challenge traditional customs, and advocate for progressive ideals. Through publications, public lectures, and grassroots activism, Phule and his followers sought to dismantle oppressive structures and foster a more egalitarian society based on reason and compassion.

The Challenges of Truth-Seeking:

Despite its noble intentions, the Satyashodhak Samaj faced fierce opposition from conservative forces within Indian society. Brahminical orthodoxy, colonial authorities, and even some nationalist leaders viewed Phule’s endeavors with suspicion, fearing that his advocacy for truth and social equality would disrupt the status quo and undermine their authority. Phule and his followers endured persecution, censorship, and social ostracism as they challenged entrenched power structures and advocated for marginalized communities.

In contemporary discourse, the pursuit of truth continues to face obstacles and opposition, albeit in different forms. In an age of misinformation, echo chambers, and ideological polarization, the quest for truth is often overshadowed by subjective narratives, partisan agendas, and vested interests. Social media platforms, once hailed as bastions of free expression and information exchange, have become breeding grounds for misinformation, propaganda, and echo chambers, where truth is often obscured by sensationalism and clickbait headlines.

The Role of Truth in Modern Society:

In an era marked by global crises, technological advancements, and socio-political upheavals, the importance of truth cannot be overstated. From climate change and public health to economic inequality and human rights, the pursuit of truth is essential for informed decision-making, accountability, and social progress. However, the dissemination of misinformation, conspiracy theories, and propaganda undermines trust in institutions, erodes democratic norms, and exacerbates societal divisions.

Moreover, the weaponization of truth for political gain, corporate interests, and ideological agendas further complicates the quest for truth in the digital age. As public discourse becomes increasingly polarized and tribalistic, facts are often distorted, manipulated, or outright ignored to suit partisan narratives and advance ideological agendas. In such a climate, the pursuit of truth is not only marginalized but also vilified as a threat to entrenched power structures and vested interests.

In conclusion, the legacy of Mahatma Phule and the Satyashodhak Samaj serves as a timeless reminder of the importance of truth in the pursuit of social justice, equality, and human dignity. In an age where truth is often obscured by misinformation, propaganda, and partisan agendas, Phule’s commitment to truth-seeking remains as relevant as ever. As we confront the challenges of the modern world, let us heed the lessons of history and uphold the pursuit of truth as a sacred and noble endeavor worthy of our collective aspiration. Only by embracing truth and rejecting falsehood can we hope to build a more just, equitable, and enlightened society for future generations.

Echoes of Jim Crow and the Caste Systems in India: Historical Parallels and Social Fragmentation

In the annals of human history, two societal architectures stand out as glaring examples of systematic discrimination and division – the Jim Crow system in the United States and the Varna and Caste system in India. While separated by oceans and epochs, these systems share a disconcerting symmetry in their perpetuation of inequality and social fragmentation. Let’s delve into literary exploration, unraveling the parallels between these historical constructs and delving into the profound societal consequences, particularly in the context of India where the age-old caste system continues to cast a shadow on the fabric of social harmony.

Historical Roots:

The Jim Crow system, a manifestation of institutionalized racial segregation, took root in the southern United States during the latter part of the 19th century. It was a sinister legal framework that relegated African Americans to a position of inferiority, withholding from them the rights and privileges afforded to their white counterparts. Simultaneously, across the vast expanse of the Indian subcontinent, the Varna and Caste system found its origins in ancient Hindu scriptures. This hierarchical stratification of society was based on birth, dictating one’s occupation, social standing, and interactions within the intricate tapestry of Indian civilization.

As we traverse the corridors of history, a common thread unravels before us – the codification of discrimination and the subjugation of specific communities based on perceived notions of superiority and inferiority. The historical roots of both systems run deep, intertwining with the very foundations of the societies they sought to govern.

Social Fragmentation:

The repercussions of the Jim Crow system and the Varna and Caste system resonate in the social fragmentation they have left in their wake. In the United States, the Jim Crow era engendered a societal hierarchy, where privileges were lavished upon those perched atop the racial pyramid, while African Americans found themselves relegated to the margins, denied equal access to education, economic opportunities, and the basic rights inherent to a democratic society.

Similarly, in the Indian context, the Varna and Caste system spawned a rigid hierarchy that determined an individual’s destiny at the moment of birth. This stratification not only dictated one’s profession but permeated every facet of life, from interpersonal relationships to access to resources. The consequence was a fragmented society where certain communities were systematically marginalized, consigned to the peripheries of progress and development.

Deceitful Minorities and the Perpetuation of Discrimination:

The pages of history reveal a recurring theme – the perpetuation of discriminatory systems by a minority wielding disproportionate influence. In the Jim Crow era, a faction of white supremacists maintained a stranglehold on political and social institutions, enacting and enforcing laws that entrenched racial segregation. Similarly, in the vast tapestry of India’s history, a small yet influential cohort has safeguarded the Varna and Caste system, exploiting it as a tool for consolidation of supremacy and privilege.

This deceitful minority, whether in the United States or India, has cunningly manipulated the narratives of their respective societies, wielding discriminatory systems as instruments to safeguard their socio-political standing. The clandestine efforts of these minority elites have thwarted attempts at dismantling the discriminatory scaffolding that has long stifled progress.

Social Cancer and Its Pervasive Impact:

The metaphorical term ‘social cancer’ encapsulates the insidious nature of both the Jim Crow system and the Varna and Caste system. These constructs, akin to malignant tumors, have spread their roots deep within the societal fabric, challenging the very essence of social peace and brotherhood.

In the United States, the scars of the Jim Crow era are still visible, manifesting in persisting racial disparities, systemic racism, and deep-seated mistrust between communities. The Varna and Caste system in India, on the other hand, has endured for millennia, etching indelible marks on the nation’s psyche. The pervasive impact of this social cancer is evident in the enduring divisions, prejudice, and inequalities that mar the quest for a harmonious coexistence.

Challenges to Social Peace and Brotherhood:

The ramifications of both discriminatory systems extend beyond the mere stratification of society. They pose formidable challenges to the very essence of social peace and brotherhood. In the United States, the Jim Crow era bred a climate of distrust and animosity between racial communities, hindering the nation’s progress towards genuine unity.

Similarly, in India, the caste system remains a formidable obstacle to national integration. Efforts to foster a sense of brotherhood among diverse communities are continually thwarted by the deeply entrenched divisions perpetuated by the caste system. The resultant fragmentation impedes the nation’s ability to forge a unified identity, essential for the coexistence of humanity.

As societies grapple with the legacies of these historical constructs, the imperative to dismantle the discriminatory edifices becomes evident. By acknowledging the shared narrative of societal division, humanity can strive towards fostering social peace, brotherhood, and equality. The echoes of Jim Crow and the caste system serve as poignant reminders that, in dismantling these historical injustices, we pave the way for a more harmonious coexistence, transcending the shackles of discrimination that have plagued societies for far too long.

Corruption:

The Anatomy, Physiology and Remedial measures

(An English Machine translation of an article on corruption originally published in marathi daily Mharashtra Times on 11/2/2024)

The Transparency International, a distinguished NGO headquartered in Berlin, Germany, founded three decades ago and operational globally in the realm of corruption, has recently published the 2023 “Corruption Perception Index” for 180 nations, as is customary each year. This index is meticulously computed to assign zero points to the most corrupt country, with a pinnacle of 100 points reserved for the paragon of probity. Subsequently, the nations are arranged in a descending order from the most scrupulous to the most tainted. In this hierarchical array, Denmark has ascended to the zenith as the most virtuous nation globally, securing an impressive 90 points. Trailing closely behind are Finland, New Zealand, Norway, Singapore, Sweden, and Switzerland. Conversely, Somalia has earned the ignominious distinction of being the foremost purveyor of corruption on a global scale, registering a mere 11 points. Venezuela, Syria, and South Sudan find themselves ensnared in the same web of corruption with a score of 13 points. India, unfortunately, languishes at a lowly 93rd position in the roster of virtuous nations, amassing a modest 39 points. Alas, the data gleaned from this investigation suggests a disconcerting truth – India, having descended eight places from its 2022 standing, is grappling with an unabating surge in corruption.

Corruption, an affliction experienced daily by the citizens of India, assumes a more disquieting dimension when subjected to the scrutiny of an international organization. This is particularly distressing for a country boasting the world’s oldest culture and the grandeur of being the largest democracy. Elucidating the nature of corruption is unnecessary, as readers can draw upon personal experiences or observe the prevailing circumstances. The question that begs consideration is why a nation rooted in ancient principles of truth, honesty, and spirituality finds itself mired in the morass of corruption. Who bears the culpability for this lamentable state of affairs? Even if the eradication of corruption proves elusive, why cannot a culture of integrity akin to that of Denmark, Finland, New Zealand, and Norway be instilled?

Corruption, a multifaceted malady, finds its genesis in the various facets of human morality. Immorality, a pernicious element in human nature, serves as the bedrock of corruption.

While Transparency International’s index encompasses diverse aspects of corruption, its primary focus is on financial malfeasance, particularly within the ambit of government administration. The private sector is not exempt from this blight, but its roots can be traced back to governmental corruption. A discourse on corruption, against the backdrop of this index, warrants attention.

At the global level, the United Nations (UNO) has deemed corruption a “pernicious plague,” recognizing it as an imminent threat to society and democracy. Consequently, member nations are enjoined to formulate policies, enact laws, and establish judicial systems to thwart corruption, punish transgressors, and extirpate this malevolent influence. In the Indian context, the Prevention of Corruption Act of 1988, applicable to all public servants, encompasses government entities, the judiciary, public representatives, statutory public undertakings, co-operative society officers, and government companies. This legislation categorizes the acceptance of illicit remuneration by public servants as corruption, prescribing exhaustive measures for investigating and penalizing the guilty. Each state maintains an Anti-Corruption Bureau(ACB) and at the central government level, the Vigilance Commission, Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), and special courts have been instituted. Independent bodies like Lokayukta and Lokpal serve as additional bulwarks against corruption. Despite these legal provisions, India’s descent in global rankings is perplexing, a trend corroborated by the 2023 report from the National Crime Records Bureau, revealing a 10.5 percent surge in corruption cases in 2022.

Corruption, an entrenched social malaise, is attributable to myriad factors, including governance, administration, investigative mechanisms, judicial processes, societal apathy, electoral processes, and legal anomalies. The epicenter of corruption lies in the electoral process, where escalating campaign costs engender a symbiotic relationship between politicians and vested interests. Joseph Stiglitz, a Nobel laureate in Economics, posits that contemporary democracy has devolved into a system democracy is no more a system “of the people, by the people and for the people”, but it has become a “system of the one percent, by the one percent and for the one percent”, the one percent being super rich people who have captured democracy as their slave. And , therefore, curtailing spending in elections emerges as a pivotal step toward ameliorating corruption in the country.

Identifying the principal contributor to corruption within the country prompts contemplation on whether it emanates from the administration or the bureaucracy. In a democratic system, periodic elections underscore the impermanence of elected representatives, necessitating a system of checks and balances between them and the bureaucracy. Constitutional safeguards, encapsulated in Part 14, forestall bureaucratic malfeasance and foster a harmonious coexistence with elected officials. The bureaucracy, empowered by its constitutional mandate, bears a solemn responsibility to combat corruption.

Corruption within the administrative echelons operates on two planes: personal corruption and collusion in others’ malfeasance within the government system. The former encompasses illicit financial gains for expediting assigned tasks (speed money), engaging in unlawful activities, or accepting remuneration to overlook ongoing transgressions (bribes). To curb such malpractices, Rules of Conduct, such as the 1968 Rules for All India Services, mandate public servants to discharge their duties with integrity. The bureaucracy, comprising the Indian Administrative Service and the Indian Police Service, is constitutionally obligated to ensure not only their own incorruptibility but also that of the entire system under their purview. Corresponding provisions exist in Maharashtra’s conduct Rules of 1979 for the State Government bureaucracy. Failure to adhere to these rules renders officers and employees liable to punishment. Article 166 of the Constitution stipulates the appointment of secretaries at the helm of each government department, charged with the statutory duty of ensuring a corruption-free environment within their purview.

I have my personal hypothesis regarding corruption as follows. There is an inverse relationship between enforcement and corruption in governance. Rigorous implementation of laws, rules, policies, and schemes correlates with diminished corruption levels, while lax enforcement precipitates heightened corruption. Supervision and reviews by superiors, coupled with periodic reviews of implementation, form integral components of governance. My personal experience in various governmental roles underscores the efficacy of swift disciplinary action in fostering a culture of administrative integrity and diminishing corruption.

Common perception of corruption often pertains to monetary bribes paid to expedite bureaucratic processes. However, this constitutes merely the tip of the iceberg. The more insidious form of corruption involves bestowing substantial financial advantages during policymaking, building permits, tenders, and privatization. This multi-faceted corruption, obscured from public scrutiny, places an onerous burden on the populace. Despite the existence of laws such as the Right to Information and Service Guarantee Act, the 2023 report from the National Crime Records Bureau reveals a disconcerting 10.5 percent uptick in corruption cases in 2022.

Addressing corruption demands an examination of administrative and political collusion. While political leadership is often held accountable, effective intervention necessitates a collective resolve among administrative officers and a robust statutary framework. Succumbing to political pressures and engaging in illicit practices only exacerbates corruption, underscoring the need for bureaucratic autonomy.

Enhancing transparency in administration emerges as a potent antidote to corruption. Provisions such as the Right to Information, while ostensibly effective, are undermined by a culture of denial rather than information dissemination. Public access can be increased to government transactions, facilitated by computerization and network connectivity since it could significantly curtail corruption. However, the inertia of administrative mentality poses a formidable obstacle. A transformative administrative culture, underpinned by effective governance, could manifest tangible change within months, heralding an era where India rivals or surpasses Denmark in integrity. All it requires is the collective will to effect this transformation.

Mahesh Zagade, IASx

I act because I must….

Tag Archives: #inclusivity